Disclosure: The Cure for Our Broken Political Process is a book that showed up in my mailbox a week or so ago. Well, it wasn't magic. Somebody from Planned Television Arts contacted me and inquired as to whether or not I would be interested in reviewing the book. Apparently, they are a book publicity company and it is their job to hunt down people like me and give us free stuff in the hopes that we will say glowing things about them. I just want to be clear and honest that this was something I received for free and was asked to review it. We don't review things for money here at TML and we don't want to be dishonest about the reasons for a review either.
Now that I have that disclosure out of the way...onto the book review!
The Cure for Our Broken Political Process is written by Sol Erdman and Lawrence Susskind. Both Mr. Erdman and Mr. Susskind have extensive experience in mediation and resolving political conflict. Mr. Edrman is the president of The Center for Collaborative Democracy (CCD).
The book is broken down into three sections. The first section, Politics At Its Best provides examples of how mediation can and has settled political disagreements. Even disagreements where the two opposing sides have been at war with each other for years (figuratively speaking, of course. Not literal war). It outlines an interesting way to find a happy medium between any two parties using a simple grid that finds the one or two solutions that are most amenable to all parties involved.
The second section is entitled Why Our Lawmakers Betray Us. This section introduces the fictional character of Tom Hennessey who runs for Congress when his representative steps down due to health issues. Once he has won, we travel to Washington and meet Cassie Rivera, Tom's Chief-of-staff, and Jeffrey Lazlo, Tom's idealistic legislative aide. Much of this section is a Socratic dialogue between the Washington insider Cassie and the idealistic and progressive Jeffrey.
In this section, our two fictional protagonists Jeffery and Cassie lay out (while arguing with each other) what is wrong with our current system of representation. And they aren't wrong. The argument is that any given Congressional district is composed of white collar, blue collar, and...well...no collar citizens. Any single Congressman or Congresswoman can't possibly represent his or her entire district as the citizens which encompass the district don't even agree with each other. Consequently, Congress never takes a stand on any serious or controversial issue as it is a virtual guarantee that doing so will seal their fate. No matter what stand a representative takes on an issue, he/she is guaranteed to anger a large proportion of his/her constituents and as such deals a death blow to any chance of re-election. So generally...they don't. They just nibble around on non-controversial issues and the real serious problem just lay around gaining no ground at all because the political cost of dealing with them is just too high.
The third section, How To Get Politicians We Can Believe In proposes a solution to all the problems outlined in the previous section. Then the story flashes forward 10 years where the successful implementation of PAR has made the U.S. government run smoother. Both of our main fictional protagonists, Cassie and Jeffrey, have become congresspeople in the new PAR elected and represented government. Idealistic? Yes. Utopian? Possibly.
So what is this grand solution? Well, this particular book proposes Personally Accountable Representation. Basically what PAR (which is how I will abbreviate it so save typing time for myself) means is that each representative would become more directly responsible to a specific group of citizens who all share his or her political outlook. For the most part. You see, a large ballot would comprise all the candidates for office. The voter would be able to vote for a few, or just one if he or she chooses, in the order of preference. When it came time to tally the votes, they would be counted incrementally. If your first choice candidate came dead last, he or she would be dropped and your second choice would now be counted as your vote. The vote tabulation process would obviously be longer than it currently is, but the potential upside is more accurate representation based on voter preferences.
To do so, each district would need more than one representative so it wouldn't be a zero sum game like the system is currently. The proposal calls for enlarging each district to have three representatives. The book makes the claim that ideally that would cover the spectrum. On average, there would be a liberal rep, a conservative rep, and a moderate rep for each district.
Now, this system has a few holes but they are fleshed out in the book and possible solutions are proposed. You will have to read the book. I can't explain all of that here.
The book is a relatively quick read with the bulk of the text being a little under 200 pages long. There are 15 Appendixes which make up another 40 pages or so. The Appendixes further amplify the historical and theoretical aspects of the conversations between Cassie and Jeffrey and while you could skip them, I wouldn't recommend it. There is some really good material there.
Now the criticisms:
As Cassie and Jeffrey bicker and the author's proposal begins to take form, a small systematic bias begins to rear it's head.
Page 106 (hardcover edition):
"Sure," says Cassie. "Let's start by supposing that each district had three lawmakers. Then, to win a seat, a candidate would have to draw about a third of the voters. That means candidates on the fringes couldn't win...."
To me, creating a "solution" that has a built in fail-safe to prevent so-called fringe candidates from having a viable shot doesn't sound like much of an improvement. And more than a little undemocratic.
In the course of the back and forth conversations between Cassie and Jeffrey, Jeffrey proposes getting rid of districts entirely and having all state citizens vote for a larger amount of candidates to represent them. Cassie slams this plan as too open to the dreaded "fringe" elements.
Who are these "fringe candidates"? The only example given is...Socialists.
Later on the same page:
"But that's not how it would play out," Cassie replies. "Because in addition to the mainstream candidates, some extremists would also end up in Congress. After all, if a typical state held one preferential election for its nine House seats, an extremist would need to draw just one-ninth of the voters to win. So in most states, a socialist would likely win, as would someone further on the militant right than we see right now...."
So Socialism is equated with "the militant right" as fringe and extremist...even admitting that "
in most states, a socialist would likely win". It isn't fringe if the party would have a shot at winning.
But who represents this "militant right"?
On page 187 (hardcover edition) a list is made of potential candidates for the 2008 Presidential election for a proposed preferential ballot. The list is:
John McCain
Barack Obama
Hillary Clinton
Mike Huckabee
John Edwards
Mitt Romney
Mike Bloomberg
Rudy Guiliani
Ron Paul
Dennis Kucinich
Bob Barr
Ralph Nader
So the candidates for Libertarian Party (Bob Barr), the founder of the libertarian political organization "Campaign for Liberty" (Ron Paul), and Ralph Nader who garnered ballot access with Natural Law Party and the Peace and Freedom Party...these are implicitly
not fringe or extreme.
Note the absence of
Socialist Party USA candidate Brian Moore, Party for Socialism and Liberation candidate Gloria La Riva, Socialist Workers Party candidate Róger Calero, and Green Party candidate Cynthia McKinney. We already know that Socialists are labeled both
fringe and
extremist so one must assume that Greens are lumped in there too based on the ballot omission.
So if Libertarians aren't fringe, then what exactly is the right-wing parallel to the dreaded extremist Socialists? You also have to question the underlying prejudices in the system being proposed here.
That being said, the system proposed here isn't a bad system. The
method, however, is geared to insure the prevailing two party system and continue to keep those pesky third party candidates out of the running. Unless they are Libertarians. They can stay, I guess. Just none of those darn lefty Socialists.
It feels like the way of implementing the PAR system proposed in the book isn't a way to make government more productive, per se, but more of a way of making the two party system more productive. And personally, I think the two party system is responsible for the bulk of the problems in government. Making it more effective isn't a valid goal to me. Breaking down the control the two parties have is a better goal.
The authors and I agree on one important point: the average person would have more of a voice in government if that citizen had more control over who represented him or her. Where we differ is that I don't want a broader spectrum of Republicans and Democrats. I want more parties with different ideas.
Basically, I do think it is an interesting and extremely informative read. I will say that the Socratic dialogue got a little annoying at times. I understand that the book is intended to reach all audiences and not read like a textbook, but at times I felt the authors leaned too far in the opposite direction and it was almost demeaning. I highly doubt an eight year old is going to pick up the book so it doesn't need to talk down quite to that level...and it kinda did in parts.
All those criticisms aside, I am glad I read this book. On balance, I really enjoyed it. I had never really given much thought to a Personally Accountable Representation style structure and it does have much to recommend about itself. Our elected leaders
should be more accountable to us. We
should have more say in who we get to vote for and who has a viable shot to hold office. But ultimately, that is what disappointed me about the book. The authors don't seem to want that open goal. Their system seems to allow for slightly more liberal Democrats and slightly more conservative Republicans...and nothing further. I don't want a choice between slightly liberal Democrat A and not-really-liberal Democrat B. I already have that choice most of the time. I want a more inclusive system.
After reading this book I think Personally Accountable Representation might be a good option for forming that more inclusive system. But to do so, some adjustments would have to be made to the exact system proposed by the authors.
You can learn more about the book and the philosophy behind it at
GenuineRepresentation.orgYou can purchase
The Cure for Our Broken Political Process at
Powells Books.
